2021-10-07

Saint Paul's Last Real Drive-in Peels Out

The Star Tribune reported some sad news this week, that the city's last real proper order-at-a stand and eat-in-your-car drive-in on the East Side.
"It's exciting but it's sad," [said] third-generation owner Angela Fida. "It's exciting because I'm going to start a new chapter in my life, and it's sad because I've been here for so long."
I've been going to the Dari-ette off and on over the last few years for their coney dogs, and I usually got the sense that the place was on its last legs. The vibe was subdued, no flocks of kids with ice cream cones, mostly people driving in and out 

You'd think that an eat-in-your-car outdoor-seating joint could thrive during COVID, but maybe the Dari-ette was different. Well, it was certainly different! As far as I know, there is only one other proper old-school drive-in in the Twin Cities: the Minnetonka Drive-in off Highway 7 (and the great bike trail). 

The closing of the Dari-ette is certainly a loss for Saint Paul history, and another vanishing landmark of the old days on the East Side. It's not that people stopped going to drive-thrus or even food trucks, but it stopped being a social thing in this particular way. We're too bubbled up now to appreciate the spectacle of high school kids bringing out your tray and gawking, or else most people just don't appreciate red sauce Italian fare like they used to. 

The coney dog was fine, by the way. The review is appended below. Mostly, it was the atmosphere that was the treat at Dari-ette, even if it was just a parking lot with some vintage kiosks illuminated by a cool neon sign. I'll miss knowing it was there.

[Coney guide continues:]

The unique Dari-ette lies deep in the East Side, and is the last pure “drive- in” in Saint Paul. In fact, it’s almost the last in the Twin Cities, with usually-functioning car-window menu/speakers/tray-holders. What an amazing slice of mid-century car culture!

The operation was founded in 1951 by Italian entrepreneurs who have passed down through the generations, nobody changing a thing. It’s open from spring to fall and thrives on the labor of teenagers, and if you find yourself up on the East Side, is surely worth a visit.

The menu is old-school Italian fare with ice cream, classic sandwich and burger staples. And lo and behold - the Dari-ette’s extensive menu even includes a coney dog: it’s below-average, with a solid wiener and sauce but not much else to speak of. Anyway, that’s not the point. You’re eating a coney at a drive-in! 

So long, Dari-ette! May you drive off into the sunset. 

[A coney dog and an egg salad sandwich.]


[The Dari-ette at dusk.]


[The Dari-ette in the old days.]


[The menu; most of them were still functional.]


2021-10-05

What Would the Rent Control Policy Do to Saint Paul Taxes?

[Melvin Carter announcing the 2018 levy increase.]

A lot of people care about taxes, and in Saint Paul the increases have been significant lately

For some context, the property tax is not the greatest tax in the world -- it's less regressive here in than most other places because of the state's Property Tax Refund. (Renters can qualify for this too, but there are a lot of hoops through which they must jump. I am guessing that most renters who qualify do not receive the tax break.) 

What I mean is that the property tax is not great, especially when compared to the income tax. That's why, historically, Minnesota has relied on one of the strongest anti-property-tax policies in the country: the local government aid (LGA) funding system. The problem is that LGA money, state aid to cities meant to keep property taxes lower, has has been eroded by years of Minnesota Republicans having their way. (I know this because I used to write a lot about it when Tim Pawlenty was governor.)

The problem is that, other than fees, property taxes are the only real way Minnesota cities can pay for anything. Especially in an era where LGA is scarce, property taxes are what Saint Paul relies on to fund things like libraries, road maintenance, equity programs, and just about everything else. If Saint Paul wants to be able to afford these things, it must either raise property taxes or grow the tax base.

So that's the challenge: how does the rent control proposal affect this situation?

[Zillow map of homes and duplexes for sale in Saint Paul.]

Tax Base Impact via Rental and SFH Values

If you talk to landlords, they'll tell you that the value of their apartment properties will drop if the rent control policy is approved. 

For the purposes of this exercise, I guess I don't care that much about this issue. Relative decline in value for apartments is not a problem until maintenance goes down and the housing becomes poor. Theoretically, the city's Department of Safety and Inspections is on top of that. 

I'm not really worried about this for tax base purposes because I also think that, if rent control passes, owner-occupied housing values will continue their rapid increase as higher-end apartments become scarce. On the one hand, this will put home ownership farther out of reach for working class and BIPOC people, but on the other hand, it'll help the tax base. 

Basically, I think that those two factors will roughly cancel each other out, though it will be a shift of the property tax burden on to single-family homeowners.

[New apartments under construction in Saint Paul.]

Tax Base Impact via New Construction

The real impact, to my mind, comes from the lack of tax base growth that comes from the de facto ban on unsubsidized new housing.

As I wrote in my original long blogpost on the rent control proposal: 

This all gets back to what the goal is: do you want to “stabilize” rents and make them more predictable for vulnerable renters? Or do you want to “control” the (entire?) rental housing market and use city ordinance to set prices for apartments? 

This distinction becomes especially important as it applies to the effects on the housing supply. As written, the HENS plan would stop new market-rate housing construction in Saint Paul. Even coming from a pro-rent-control perspective this seems like a bad thing. This is why I hate the fact that the HENS policy pits helping renters against building housing, because I think both of these things are very important. 

I think STP is on track to add at least (!) 2,000 new homes per year for the next 5 years. I’d like to see that number higher, but that’s a good ballpark. Not all of these new apartments will be unsubsidized and on the tax rolls (i.e. not in a TIF district LINK), but a good percentage of them will be. I would hope that number was around 2/3. 


Because of the way it's written, the HENS rent control policy will stop a large portion of this housing from being built in Saint Paul, at least half and probably more. 

What does that mean for the tax base? 

[Saint Paul vs. Minneapolis housing.]

To make it easy, let’s say that the rent control policy stops 1,000 homes each year from being built in Saint Paul. I think that’s a realistic and conservative scenario. That's a huge difference in the city and county tax base. I dug into the numbers, and it usually takes a few years for the property (and taxable) values of a new apartment building to kick in. Sometimes it's right away, other times it's spread out over a few years. But once it does once it does, those new buildings pay huge amounts of property tax year after year. 

For example, here are five existing unsubsidized multi-family buildings across a range of places and times, along with their property tax revenues. I tried to choose a mix of places, but to be honest, there aren't that many examples of few-year-old housing complexes in the city! 

I also compared each building with a nearby undeveloped property of a similar size.


  • 360 Spring Street (Upper Landing) 2 acres; around 200 homes
  • $37.5 million valuation; $706,000 in 2021 taxes
  • COMP PROPERTY: 1.9 acres; $21,000 in 2021 taxes



  • 2700 University Avenue (building on border) 1 acre; 248 homes (student-oriented)
  • $9.5 million valuation; $102,000 in 2021 taxes
  • COMP PROPERTY 1.5 acres; $46,000 in 2021 taxes



  • 808 Berry Street (Franklin Avenue) 3.5 acres; 267 homes (30% affordable)
  • $53 million valuation; $864,000 in 2021 taxes
  • COMP PROPERTY 3.2 acres; $64,000 in 2021 taxes



  • 84 Wabasha Street (West Side Flats) 1.6 acres; 178 units (mixed-use)
  • $41.9 million valuation; $735,000  in 2021 taxes
  • COMP PROPERTY; 3 acres; $94 [sic] in 2021 taxes


  • 202 West 7th Street (by Xcel Center) 1.6 acres; 191 units (mixed-use)
  • $65.7 million valuation; $1,300,000 in 2021 taxes
  • COMP PROPERTY 1.25 acres; $40,700 in 2021 taxes


The total here: the 1084 recently-built homes generated $3,707,000 in property taxes in 2021. 

Meanwhile, the comparable undeveloped properties paid $53,894.

That's a net increase to the city and county of well over $3.5 million, which gives you a general ballpark for how much money Saint Paul will be leaving on the table each year by not building new apartments any more. 

The kicker is that this happens every year, so that the difference builds up over time. That's around $3.5 million of lost revenue the first year, plus an additional $3.5 million the next year, and so on. By the time you've reach Year 5, you’re talking about over $15 million a year of missing city and county revenue that could have been on the tax rolls. 

(Keep in mind this is a conservative estimate, and I'd guess the actual figure would be twice as large.)

For some context, Saint Paul’s 2021 6.8% increase in the tax levy was worth about $10 million for the city. This means that the de facto ban on new housing will have a huge impact on the property tax rates in Saint Paul and Ramsey County. 

Again, this is a conservative estimate. If Saint Paul achieved Minneapolis-level rates of housing growth, you should double or triple this number.

[The Oakland, California rent adjustment program website.]

Administrative Overhead

Meanwhile, the cost of administering the program could also be significant. A lot of this depends on how the City Council and Mayor’s Office administer the problem, i.e. how they set up regulation, education, inspections, etc. 

The Oakland example that everyone cites, is quite a top-heavy model. In that case, you’d expect the city to be spending about $3-4 million a year, with staffing levels around the same as the city's existing Department of Human Rights and Equal Economic Opportunity.

Alternately, like Oregon (apparently), the city could decide to do nothing to administer the program, and instead rely on individual litigation to handle it.

We should probably assume that Saint Paul will run its program on the cheap, but if you split the difference, they'd have to pencil in a few million dollars into the city budget for let’s say 8-12 new full-time staff.

[File photo of a Saint Paul pothole.]

TL; DR:

The point is that the overall tax swing under rent control would very significant, millions of dollars each year in lost revenue and increased overhead. And the difference grows dramatically wider annually, as housing is built elsewhere instead of in Saint Paul, until you're talking about a huge gap between a city with rent control and one without.

This matters because Saint Paul is not wealthy. I've sat through Public Works' presentations showing the long-term projections about crumbling streets, and how much we need to spend just to keep the potholes from growing exponentially. Meanwhile, each year we struggle to keep rec centers and libraries open. 

Growing the tax base is the best way Saint Paul can increase its ability to pay for basic services. That's why it's a big problem that this policy prevents that from happening. Instead, either property taxes will go up or cuts will come from somewhere.


[See also my short column in Minnpost about the Saint Paul ordinance and my long-read with all the research about how this rent control proposal affects housing in Saint Paul, an explainer of why a 3% rent cap blocks new housing construction, short posts on how the policy would affect rents and taxesinterviews with housing policy experts on new construction and rent controlguesses about Mayor Carter's plan, and what I recommend we do about the housing crisis instead of the rent control proposal.]

2021-10-04

What Would the Rent Control Policy Do to Saint Paul Rents?

[An apartment building in Frogtown.]

If you read supportive narratives about the proposed Saint Paul rent control policy, depending on who you’re talking to, it will might have very little effect on most apartments — so little, that developers and landlords will barely even notice it — or it will usher in a new era of city-wide affordability that will decommodify housing and bring and end to centuries of real-estate capitalism.

Both of those things would be amazing, but consider me skeptical that either is a possibility. How rent control will affect housing lies somewhere in the middle, and it will be messy.

One thing I haven’t actually seen is any actual Saint Paul rental data. 

Here are a couple questions I have: 

  • How bad of a problem is rent gouging in Saint Paul? 
  • How many properties would be affected by a 3% cap? 
  • What will it mean for the larger housing market? 

So far, the only way to get a handle on this has been to look at the detailed CURA report on rents in Minneapolis, which is, to be sure, a different city. But Minneapolis and Saint Paul are in the same regional housing market. The two cities should fluctuate and trend roughly in parallel.

[Long-term Minneapolis rent trends, with 10%-90% distribution.]

[Long-term rent growth by neighborhood.]

[Minneapolis rents v. income.]

[Advertising rents for vacancy units, change-over-time, that includes the 2020 downturn.]

If you read through CURA's lengthy study, you see there's a lot of variability. For one thing, rents go up and down. (This might seem weird to anyone who's been a long-term renter; I've never once heard of anyone having their rent lowered.) In the end, though,  the data is clear: on the aggregate, rents are rising faster now than they have been historically, and thanks to our deep levels of racial inequality, it's a problem for working class and BIPOC folks.

This is the chart that makes the Twin Cities housing affordability problem very clear to me:


[This gets at the housing problem: rising rents combined with steep racial inequality. Zoom in and look at the income levels.] 

 

Tony Damiano’s recent Twitter thread has a nice summary of the situation. (Please note that he also admits that Saint Paul’s plan would be a “notable exception” to every other RS and rent control policy in the country.)

The CURA study on rent trends is solid, but Minneapolis is, in fact, not Saint Paul. They are actually different cities! The border is either the Mississippi River or Emerald Street. There's no overlap.

For example, I wrote a few years ago about how rent trends were diverging in Minneapolis and Saint Paul, with the former seeing more variability and an actual decrease in available NOAH rents for a time. Saint Paul’s rental market differs in quite a few ways, not least because we don’t build as much new housing, and it would be nice to see information about the actual place where the policy is being proposed.



Saint Paul Rent Trends

Well, I did what I could. A kind reader sent along rent data complied for the metro area from the Met Council. 

As far as I know, nobody has done this research on rents in Saint Paul. Certainly if there’s a comprehensive study on rental data produced by HENS, they haven’t shared it with anyone. (If you have one, send it my way!)

[Rent in Saint Paul goes up and down a lot, it turns out.]

Because the original Met Council data website shows quarterly trends, which fluctuate wildly, I put some key benchmark rental data into a spreadsheet to see how it looked longitudinally. 

Please note: The Costar datasource is the longest, and its 20-year dataset indeed matches the CURA report average, showing about 1.6% rent growth over time. The Zillow data is the only one that separates rents out by neighborhood.

(The Rental Revue dataset is not nearly as good, and just shows available rentals, as opposed to the entire market, that are available at that moment. You can pretty much disregard it for these purposes, but it’s still interesting to the nerds among you, especially since it shows trends counter to the others.)


[Red marks rates of change over 3% per year; figures are NOT adjusted for inflation; check out my math and the Saint Paul rental data here.]

I’m honestly not sure what to make of all this. I would be interested in anyone else looking at this data and letting me know their thoughts. Feel free to comment! 

But here are my initial takeaways:

#1: Long-term Rent Growth is Not That High

Over a twenty-year span, rent growth is pretty flat. It's a lower rate than Minneapolis, though it seems there's more variability. Compared to nearly every other growing metro in the country, we don’t yet have a huge problem with rents and housing becoming astronomically unaffordable. Keep in mind that the "1.6% over 20 years" number is not adjusted for inflation, and just about matches that figure! In real dollars, rents have been flat. Relatively speaking, that puts Saint Paul in an enviable situation. 

If you don’t believe me, talk to literally anyone who has lived in California or on the East Coast or in Denver or Austin or just about anywhere else with economic growth. It doesn’t take many of these conversations to make you feel pretty good about where we’re at, relatively speaking.

Also note: this good news is somewhat irrelevant because real wages have gone down for many BIPOC folks, though not all. This is one major cause of the housing crisis. Doing things like passing a living wage ordinance (or the Federal COVID relief and unemployment dollars) are very much helping to tackle this fundamental problem, but the problem remains.


#2: Saint Paul Rents are Rising Raster Recently, and in Certain Areas

The data also show that rental increases are getting worse, especially in working class and BIPOC neighborhoods. 

Zillow is the only dataset that disaggregates rents by geography here, but you can see that certain neighborhoods (highlighted in red) are rising faster than others. Given the housing shortage and increase in inequality, this tracks with what you’d expect: working class and BIPOC folks, who are most vulnerable to rising rents, are seeing the largest percentage increases.


#3: I Can’t Believe Nobody Has Studied This

Why am I the one doing this? So far, the only information on city rent trends I’ve seen is the 1.6% over 20 years number cited by the advocates of rent control.  Other than that, there’s a Minneapolis study and a lot of anecdotes. 

I would think that, before we introduce a sweeping city-wide ordinance that I believe comes with a lot of negative consequences, we should have a clear picture of the problem we are trying to solve. Someone should do a more detailed analysis of rental increases!

But apparently my half-assed BS is all we have to go by. 

So what does this mean? How do we react to the data? 

This is where you have to do some predictions, and try and think through how a complex policy would impact the also very complex housing market. Please note that I would really like to have people study this stuff besides me, because I suck at studying rental data!

That said...


Prediction #1: What Rents Would Be Relatively Lowered by Rent Control?

Well, lots of them. 

With this data, it’s hard to say how many apartments would be affected, but the number is in the thousands. There are overall 40,000+ apartments in Saint Paul, and the neighborhoods that are seeing over 3% rent growth these days is about half of them. You can guess that around 25% of the city's renters would see a benefit from a rent control policy, which would hold down rent increases to 3% in the specific neighborhoods where they are most needed.

Thus the rent control ordinance would cap rents for plenty of people in Saint Paul, making rents more predictable. It’s a pretty safe assumption that, especially in certain neighborhoods, rent control would limit rent growth fo thousands of people. It would make rental increases more predictable. Instead of large fluctuations, most Saint Paul renters could just about lock in a 3% increase every year. 

This is a good thing, relatively speaking, though it doesn’t solve the real problems driving the housing crisis. 

Basically, for the folks that would have seen the largest spikes, instead of a few years of large increases, you could count on a 3% rent increase every year pretty much indefinitely, at least as long as there was a housing shortage.

Certainly, a 3% increase is better than a 5% or 10% increase in rent. I mean, this is the goal of the policy. It will help thousands of people have more more stability in their housing costs, and the majority of these folks will be BIPOC or working class renters. 

But also note that this policy does not step rents from rising. As long as inflation remains low, they would continue to rise faster than the 20-year median. So that's not great either!

Anyway, if this was all the rent control proposal did, I’d be for it. But it's not...


Prediction #2: What Rents Would be Relatively Increased by Rent Control?

Well, also lots of them. The bad news is that, because the details of the HENS ordinance limit growth in the city’s housing supply, it will also drive rents up for many people in the city. If you stop building new apartments, rental housing becomes more expensive.

How much? I don't know.

There’s a lot of good research on the connection between building new apartments and reducing growth in rents. If you don’t believe, me, please read this well-researched lit review on how supply affects rents, or this paper on how the “skeptics” that increases in housing lower rents are probably wrong. Building more housing helps keeps rents lower than they would otherwise be, and if you stop a lot of new housing from being constructed, you’re going to drive rents up in the city.

(For just a sample, here's a well-known study: "the data span 11 cities and tens of thousands of units. The authors find that rents for existing rental units within 250 meters of the new development fall by 5% to 7% compared to rents in buildings farther away, between 250 and 600 meters.")

By preventing thousands of apartments from being built in Saint Paul, the rent control ordinance places added demand on existing housing. Some percentage of the people that would otherwise be living in newly constructed apartments will look for rental housing elsewhere in the city. These folks will be generally well-off and have good credit stores, and will drive up prices for many apartments that would not otherwise be affected by the rent control ordinance. 

The reduced supply will raise rents overall, especially for at the middle part of the market, especially in neighborhoods that would have seen housing construction: St. Anthony Park, Merriam Park, Hamline-Midway, Summit-University, Highland, West 7th, Downtown, the West Side, and (yes) even Frogtown.

Certainly we’re talking about slightly different groups of people with two trends, but eventually, it’s all the same set of apartments affected by the policy. A friend of mine calls this “downward displacement,” where people with more money and credit “take” apartments that would otherwise be in newly constructed buildings, leading to a chain of displacement that, eventually after a few steps, affects even the most affordable parts of the housing market.

Like it or not, rents go up when you stop building new housing. Overall, the effect of the rent control policy will be a mixed bag, and that’s a shame.


Rents v. The Big Picture

If all you’re looking at is rents, this policy is a net-positive. Many renters will be better off, a least for a while. While all rents across the city will keep going up, because you’re limiting the increase for a big chunk of the most vulnerable folks, the rest is noise. You're creating stability. Meanwhile, other renters will see larger increases than they otherwise might, locking annual 3% rent bumps for a large swath of Saint Paul renters.

But rents are one thing; housing is another. Even in the short-term, the big picture is where this particular rent control policy goes off the rails. This proposal does nothing to solve the real problems that are causing the housing crisis in the first place: income inequality and the housing shortage. 

Income inequality is too broad to dive into here, but I addressed the housing shortage problem in an earlier post. Rent control does not increase the housing supply, and most likely shrinks it over the long term. There are also the problems of disinvestment, shortages, and discrimination that historically have made cities with rent control difficult places to find a decent home.

[This house is a decent "comp" for the one we bought two years ago, only it costs over $50,000 more.]

Meanwhile, owner-occupied home prices that are already spiking will to continue to climb steeply under a rent control policy that restricts new housing construction. A good percentage of the people that would have moved into new apartments will end up buying homes instead, and you should expect to see the kinds of 10%+ annual increases in Saint Paul home values that have been common over the last two years These increases will be largest in historical working-class and BIPOC communities, putting homeownership farther out of reach for these folks.

There are all kinds of problems that will accompany this trend, since so much of US policy and ideology is centered on homeownership as the primary way that people the country acquire wealth. Saint Paul already has a huge black-white homeownership gap, as well another racial and ethic groups. Putting homes out of reach of working class and BIPOC folks will further inequality.

There are some other issues too, but for now I’ll leave it there. If you’re only focused on rents, this policy is probably a net positive. If you think about the big picture around housing issues, it’s a real mixed-bag. 


[See also my short column in Minnpost about the Saint Paul ordinance and my long-read with all the research about how this rent control proposal affects housing in Saint Paul, an explainer of why a 3% rent cap blocks new housing construction, short posts on how the policy would affect rents and taxesinterviews with housing policy experts on new construction and rent controlguesses about Mayor Carter's plan, and what I recommend we do about the housing crisis instead of the rent control proposal.]


Update: A dutiful reader put together a better-looking chart of the data, which you can see here.


2021-09-28

Document Dump #2: Gentile Yarusso's 1964 Memoir of Swede Hollow and Payne Avenue

[Swede Hollow c. 1910.]

Here's one from my archive, that I first found in the Arlington Hills library. It's a short, compelling memoir of growing up in Swede Hollow by Gentile Yarusso, of Yarusso's Italian Restaurant of Statue of Liberty fame.



Here's my favorite part, about the old railroad line that went up through the Hollow and the experience of those loud trains rattling along next to the homes of Saint Pauls' most famous informal community:

The giant locomotives would come puffing put he track, their headlights glowing like the eyes of a serpent, winding around the curves of the Hollow. what noise, what thunder a the engines passed us! Cinders and sparks fell all around us, on our heads, on our shoulders. Windows in the homes would rattle. Mothers would call for their children. Some of the smaller kids would become rightened and start to cry. Fathers would bet cursing the whole spectacle in general. After the freight train was out of sight, we would slowly walk back home. Stillness would settle over the Hollow. Occasionally one might hear the barking of a dog.

Read the whole thing if you are interested in more memories of old Saint Paul.

2021-09-24

Signs of the Times #179

 
FucK

THE

STAdium

[Door. Hamline-Midway, St. Paul.]


BLM

SILENCE

IS

C-O-M-P-L-I-C-I-T-Y

[Stoop. Southeast, Minneapolis.]


PEACE LOVE JOY

[Location forgotten.]


Age Requirement of 35

yrs. old to enter this

establishment on 

Thurs. Fri. and Sat.

State I.D or D.L and

face mask is required to 

enter. No Excuse!!!

Thank You,

Nickel Joint

[Door. Frogtown, St. Paul.]


STOP LINE 3

[Bridge. Lake Street, Minneapolis.]


BEWAR

OF

D G

[Porch. Frogtown, St. Paul.]


STAY 

SAFE 

FROGTOWN!

[and]

IT IS TIME

FOR

+ CHANGE!

[Windows. Frogtown, St. Paul.]


JuSTICE

4 FLOYD

[Cardboard. Lowertown, St. Paul.]